By Leonard J. Moore
Indiana had the biggest and so much politically major kingdom association within the huge nationwide Ku Klux Klan circulation of the Nineteen Twenties. utilizing a distinct set of Klan club records, quantitative research, and a number of different resources, Leonard Moore offers the 1st accomplished research of the social features and actions of the Indiana Klan club and thereby finds the character of the group's political support.Challenging conventional assumptions concerning the Klan, Moore argues that during Indiana the association represented an awfully vast move component to white Protestant society. greater than 25 percentage of native-born males within the nation grew to become reliable individuals. certainly, the Klan was once again and again better than any of the veterans' companies that flourished in Indiana even as and was once even better than the Methodist church, the state's best Protestant denomination.The Klan's huge, immense attractiveness, says Moore, can't be defined exclusively by way of the group's entice nativist sentiment and its antagonism towards ethnic minorities. relatively, the Klan received general help largely due to its reaction to well known discontent with altering neighborhood kin and values, difficulties of Prohibition enforcement, and becoming social and political domination by way of elites. additionally, Moore indicates that the Klan used to be visible as a company that may advertise conventional comunity values via social, civic, and political activities.It used to be, he argues, a move basically involved no longer easily with persecuting ethnic minorities yet with selling the facility of regular electorate to persuade the workings of soiciety and govt. hence, Moore concludes, the Klan of the Twenties won't were as a lot a backward-looking aberration because it was once an incredible instance of 1 of the strong renowned responses to social stipulations in twentieth-century the US.
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Extra info for Citizen klansmen: the Ku Klux Klan in Indiana, 1921-1928
Did they come together primarily to initiate a campaign of intimidation against threatening foreigners and the loathsome city? The authors of the radical interpretation have made these assumptions because they viewed the Klan's ideology as backward and militant and its leaders as corrupt. But without membership documents, close inspection of local circumstances and events, or analysis of the basis for Klan political victories, such generalizations cannot be substantiated. The radical interpretation has also suffered from a narrow focus on the idea that the Klan movement of the twenties resulted primarily from increased conflict between white Protestants and other ethnic groups in American society.
These movements, after all, have sought to maintain many of the very barriers that other groups have attempted to tear down. Conservatives have struggled to uphold traditional patterns of authority and ethnocentric cultural values. They have attempted to and at times succeeded in thwarting civil liberties, pluralism, free political and artistic expression, and other freedoms crucial to the integrity of a democratic society. At the same time, however, not liking conservative and right-wing causes is insufficient reason to ignore them or, more accurately, to be content with pat answers about the social, economic, and political forces that have made these causes so popular in Page xii modern American life.
Indiana's leading Catholic newspaper, the Indiana Catholic and Page 22 Record, reacted with alarm and anger to the Klan's appearance in the state, calling for Catholic solidarity against the order's "absurd" ideology and warning that Klan political power would threaten the lives and property of all Americans. The editors of the Indiana Jewish Chronicle and the Indianapolis Freeman also viewed the Klan's growth with great concern. The Chronicle followed the Klan's activities closely, characterizing the secret fraternity as bigoted, un-democratic, un-American, and a threat to the political rights of ethnic minorities.
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