By John Bulaitis
The French geographical region and the Communist get together are inextricably associated. Communism in Rural France explores this advanced and strong dating that's so an important for an figuring out of the heritage of contemporary France.During 1936 and 1937 a sour fight erupted one of the agricultural staff and swept via components of the French geographical region, which rose up in moves and elevated unionization. Coinciding with the city "social explosion" which the victory of the preferred entrance govt, the clash stunned right-wing opinion and panicked filthy rich land-owners, who blamed the unfold of the "corrupting" collectivist affects of city society into the nation-state at the French Communist Party. Communism in Rural France strains the evolution and features of the rural staff’ flow from the flip of the 20 th century in the course of the inter-war years in addition to the reaction of the govt and the resistance prepared by way of farmers. John Bulaitis focuses rather at the position of agricultural employees in French rural and exertions heritage, which has lengthy been overlooked. Communism in Rural France totally explores the workers' contribution for the 1st time and illuminates a major and formerly missed element of eu politics.
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Additional resources for Communism in Rural France: French Agricultural Workers and the Popular Front (International Library of Historical Studies)
While supporting attempts to win the small peasantry as a necessary socialist aim in ‘the classical land of small peasant economy’, he argued that French socialists were pandering to the peasantry’s ideological attachment to private property, instead of advocating the advantages of co-operative practices and collective ownership of land. Engels’ sharpest criticisms were, however, reserved, for the shifts in strategy. ’ No less scathing were his comments on the call for the unity ‘of all elements’ of agriculture: ‘I flatly deny that the socialist workers’ party of any country is charged with the task of taking into its fold, in addition to the rural proletarians and the small peasants, also the idle and big peasants and perhaps even the tenants of the big estates.
Compère-Morel defended Kautsky’s analysis of the concentration of agriculture, which, he argued, was preparing the long-term basis for its socialisation. Like Engels, he divided the peasant population between proprietors employing wage labour – whose land, he argued, should be socialised – and those who worked their own plot with their families. As the immediate impact of capitalism on agriculture was driving this section of the peasantry into poverty or away from the land, it was necessary to defend its interests, in the same way that socialists defended those of industrial workers facing negative effects of capitalist progress.
His prominence and reputation as a peasant leader grew further when he mobilised support for the sharecroppers’ movement that swept the Landes and Lot-et-Garonne during 1919 and 1920. In the aftermath of this bitter conflict, he was elected in a byelection as deputy for the Lot-et-Garonne. At the Congress of Tours, Renaud Jean sided with the communists and was immediately appointed editor of La Voix Paysanne, a journal established by the SFIO in February 1920, formerly the responsibility of Compère-Morel.
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