By Michael N. Barnett
What determines the techniques in which a kingdom mobilizes assets for warfare? And does battle training advance or weaken the nation relating to society? In addressing those questions, Michael Barnett develops a singular theoretical framework that lines the relationship among battle coaching and adjustments in state-society family, and applies that framework to Egypt from 1952 to 1977 and Israel from 1948 via 1977. Confronting the prices of warfare addresses significant matters in diplomacy, comparative politics, and heart jap reports. What determines the ideas wherein a kingdom mobilizes assets for warfare? And does warfare practise increase or weaken the country with regards to society? In addressing those questions, Michael Barnett develops a unique theoretical framework that lines the relationship among struggle practise and adjustments in state-society family members, and applies that framework to Egypt from 1952 to 1977 and Israel from 1948 via 1977. Confronting the prices of conflict addresses significant concerns in diplomacy, comparative politics, and heart jap reviews.
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Illustrative here is the experience of the United States during the Vietnam War. Initially the government relied on a “lower-class” army as it allowed exemptions based on education groups; however, the government, unable to maintain this policy once the troop deployments surpassed a certain level, moved to widen the conscription net and deny with greater frequency exemptions based on educational criteria. 54 In general, the failure of the government’s initial war preparation strategies to meet its domestic and security-related objectives causes it either to target previously excluded societal groups in its mobilization efforts or to strengthen its reliance on foreign actors to generate its required security resources and maintain domestic stability.
May well be at the root of . . the government’s insufficient willingness to deal effectively with the social tensions or to establish any internal control over particular interests for the sake of the war effort. . 12 Finally, an argument could be made that in the contemporary era where wars of annihilation are rare if not nonexistent, few state managers would prefer to prosecute a war at the risk of exposing themselves to societal insurrection. As I suggested earlier the principle of sovereignty in the modern era has virtually guaranteed the continued existence of most states in the interstate system, but less certain is the longevity of state managers.
After all, economic nationalism allows for both limited and heavy state intervention in the domestic economy, and it is conceivable that government officials might evaluate possible policies along efficiency grounds at some moments (as in desiring to run a balance-of-payments surplus) more than at others (as in protecting certain strategic industries even at substantial economic cost). In this interpretation the means are understood as part of “technical rationality,”8 for governments have held different ideas about what types of economic policies best further their goal of economic security.
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