Contemporary Conflicts [1991] by S. Haroon Ahmed (edt) Ms. Anis Haroon, Dr. Mubarak Ali,

By S. Haroon Ahmed (edt) Ms. Anis Haroon, Dr. Mubarak Ali, Prof. Hamza Alavi, Dr. Pervez Hoodbhoy et al.

Individuals include:
Ms. Anis Haroon, girls motion Forum
Dr. Mubarak Ali, Former professor of historical past, college of Sindh
Prof. Hamza Alavi, Former Professor, college of Denver
Dr. Pervez Hoodbhoy, Assistant Professor of Physics Centre for prime power Physics & Cosmology, division of Physics, Quaid-e-Azam college, Islamabad.

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Inhalt
Einleitung
Seite 1
I
Nietzsches Urteil tiber die Franz6sische Revolution
Seite 8
II
Rousseau , Kant und die Moralitat der Revolution
Seite 26
III
Der Umsturz als Autoritatszerfall.
Nietzsches Beschaftigung mit der Geschichte der Revolution
Seite 58
IV
Die offizielle und die verborgene Revolution
Seite 88
V
1848 - spate Folgen einer gescheiterten Revolution
Seite 144
VI
Die soziale Revolution und die sozialistische Bewegung
Seite 141
VII
Aspekte der Demokratisierung
Seite 189
VIII
Der hohere Mensch und seine demokratische Herkunfi
Seite 236
IX
Revolutionare Hoffnungen eines unpolitischen Menschen
Seite 269
Schluss
Seire 296
Anmerkungen
Seite 303
Bibliographie
Seite 384
Personenregister

Extra info for Contemporary Conflicts [1991]

Example text

The main beneficiaries of the increasing nationalisatiorr of property, state involvement in regulation of trade and production through licensing, government expenditure policy, the allocation mechanism of scarce foreign exchange and concessional credit facilities, the provision · of agricultural and industrial inputs at subsidised rates, tax exemptions, the orgy of smug­ gling, corruption and nepotism and the distribution of state lands · (even in other provinces) were the Punjabi, the Gujrati and, to some extent, the Urdu speaking and Pathan constituents of the ruling elite.

That 43 Contemporary Conflicts is why generals are generally very rich. Some military programmes are undertaken in anticipation of their opponents' programmes, rather than in reaction to them. That is where one can assume far too much and make for a wide margin of error. Or make up stories just to get a programme going. These assumptions are then fed to the public as proof of a foreign threat to win support for an even more inflated military budget. This holds particularly true with nuclear weapons.

A year which would be enough to produce a Nagasaki-type bomb every 3 years. By the year 2000, reactors may produce 150,000 kg. of plutonium a year. The implications of all this is horrendous. With . so much plutonium floating around in civilian facilities, theft has become easy. And there are enough buyers prepared to pay handsomely for it. But what is really dangerous is that it opens the entire wm:ld to nuclear terrorism by black­ mailers, terrorists, fanatics and dictators alilce, and could ultimately precipitate a nuclear war no one really wants.

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