By Uri Bialer
The reliable institution of the kingdom of Israel in might 1948 constituted the belief of the Zionist imaginative and prescient, yet army victory left in its wake inner and exterior survival concerns that might threaten this old success for many years to return. The refusal of the foreign neighborhood to acknowledge the political, geographic, and demographic result of the struggle of Independence provided Israel with an enduring neighborhood safeguard risk, whereas keeping apart and alienating it within the overseas enviornment. the most bold difficulties Israeli overseas coverage confronted used to be the stance of the Christian global towards the hot country. Attitudes ranged from hostility and specific non-recognition by way of the Catholic Church, via Protestant ambivalence, to Evangelical aid. pass at the famous person of David provides the 1st scholarly research, in response to newly declassified records, of Israeli policymaking in this factor. Uri Bialer specializes in the effect that modes of pondering rooted within the historic culture of Jewish-Christian interactions had on Israeli policymakers and concludes that they weren't blameless of the perceptions and biases that motivated the Christian world's habit towards Israel. the outcome is a fine-grained, unique interpretation of a huge size of Israeli international coverage from the founding of the country to the 1967 struggle.
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Extra info for Cross On The Star Of David: The Christian World In Israel's Foreign Policy, 1948-1967 (Indiana Series in Middle East Studies)
As Eban told the cabinet in February 1950: In addition to the existing rift between us and the Arab states, which is the main reason for the non-regulation of our relations with the United States, there are two new points of conflict—our clashes with the UN and the Vatican. . S. S. government. The same is true, with certain qualifications . . with regard to our relations with other entities such as Latin America, France, and England, if these disputes continue. 10 The implications of a confrontation with the UN over Jerusalem were not to be regarded lightly, said Eban.
This was what caused the downfall. 1 This description notwithstanding, Sharett believed that there was a vital lesson to be learned from the circumstances exposed by the Assembly deliberations. And, indeed, subsequent discussions indicate that the Israeli authorities drew weighty political conclusions that were to guide their actions for years to come. They centered on the tactical moves that preceded the UN resolution and provided dramatic evidence of the power and technique of papal influence.
They are living in a Catholic country and whatever the Vatican says is sacred, and how can we forget that? This is also true of Belgium, Holland, France, Canada, and the United States. 14 The Vatican’s anti-Israeli stand was not confined to the Jerusalem question. The political platform it had presented in April 1949—linking the Jerusalem problem to the wider framework of solution of the Israel-Arab dispute in accordance with the UN recommendations of November 1947—remained unchanged. Four years later, McMahon made this abundantly clear to Herzog in particularly brusque terms, declaring that “the church is the focal point of the village.
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